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A Level · Cambridge (CIE) · 9990

Explain health beliefs and positive psychology

Explain unrealistic optimism, Seligman’s pleasant, good and meaningful lives, and Shoshani and Steinmetz’s school intervention without treating wellbeing scores as diagnoses.

Section Paper 3 · Specialist Options: Approaches, Issues and Debates

Cambridge International AS & A Level Psychology 9990 · Health Psychology · 2028–2030 · Version 1 · OPTION-HE-3.5.3

Original StudyForA teaching mapped to Cambridge 9990 Health Psychology sections 3.5.1–3.5.3, 2028–2030 Version 1. Example studies illustrate the syllabus and are not official Cambridge materials or mark schemes. This is psychology education, not medical or mental-health advice.

Before you begin

  • This lesson covers Cambridge Psychology 9990 Health Psychology section 3.5.3. Comparative beliefs, wellbeing questionnaire scores, diagnoses and health behaviours are distinct; evaluate each using evidence appropriate to that claim.

Work on paper. Try each question before revealing help, and explain why your method works.

Quick readiness check

What did Weinstein (1980) find on average in Study 1?

What you will learn

  • Unrealistic optimism and disregarding health advice; Weinstein (1980)
  • Positive psychology and the pleasant, good and meaningful life; Seligman (2004)
  • School positive-psychology intervention for adolescent wellbeing; Shoshani and Steinmetz (2014)

Unrealistic optimism can shape whether advice feels personally relevant

Unrealistic optimism is a comparative judgement in which a person thinks that positive events are more likely, and negative events less likely, to happen to them than to a similar other. It can help explain why a person might discount advice about risk, but it is not the only explanation and should not be used to blame someone for a health decision.

Weinstein (1980) asked 258 college students to estimate how their chances of experiencing 42 future events compared with those of classmates. On average, students rated their chances above average for positive events and below average for negative events. A second study with 120 female undergraduates examined reasons for the bias. The work measured comparative expectations, not whether participants ignored a particular health recommendation or later experienced an event.

The study supports a pattern of comparative optimism in that sample. College students estimating broad future events may not represent people making a specific decision about a health condition. The measure also relies on judgement, and people’s risk beliefs may be accurate or inaccurate depending on actual base rates. Health advice and actual behaviour would need separate measurement.

Seligman (2004) described three focuses of positive psychology

Seligman described the Pleasant Life as positive emotion; the Good Life as strengths, virtues and talents used in engagement; and the Meaningful Life as contributing through positive institutions and purposes beyond oneself. The framework shifts attention toward what supports wellbeing as well as what causes distress.

Seligman’s 2004 article, ‘Can happiness be taught?’, presents a conceptual framework and examples; it is not itself a controlled trial proving that a single classroom technique improves mental health. ‘Positive psychology’ also does not mean that people should suppress difficult feelings or be cheerful at all times. A balanced account can consider strengths and sources of distress together.

Culture and individual values shape what feels pleasant, engaging or meaningful. A group-level category should not be treated as a universal personal goal. Measures of wellbeing need evidence of reliability and validity for the people and language used.

Shoshani and Steinmetz (2014) evaluated a whole-school programme

Shoshani and Steinmetz evaluated a one-year positive-psychology programme in a large middle school in central Israel. They compared 537 students in grades 7–9 at the intervention school with 501 students at a demographically similar control school, using a two-year longitudinal repeated-measures design and questionnaire measures of distress and targeted wellbeing factors.

The authors reported decreases in general distress, anxiety and depression symptoms among intervention participants while symptoms increased in the control school. They also reported stronger self-esteem, self-efficacy and optimism, and reduced interpersonal sensitivity. These are group-level questionnaire findings, not individual diagnoses or proof that every student improved.

The longitudinal comparison and large student groups are strengths. The programme was delivered at a specific school and the comparison was at another school, so school-level differences could contribute; the study was not an individual randomised clinical trial. Questionnaire outcomes, cultural setting and the schools’ implementation limit generalisation. The results do not show that school wellbeing education replaces professional support when needed.

Connect individual beliefs with social and school conditions

An individual explanation considers comparative risk beliefs, strengths or personal meaning. A situational explanation examines how advice is communicated and whether family, school, community or service conditions support action. Both may contribute; a person’s optimism can coexist with practical barriers or reliable evidence about a particular risk.

A holistic evaluation considers positive wellbeing and distress without reducing mental health to one score. Psychometric measures can compare groups, but reliability, validity, language and cultural fit matter. Idiographic interviews may reveal what a student finds meaningful, while group measures test broader patterns; each method answers a different question.

Sources for this lesson

Pause and explain

Which best describes the Shoshani and Steinmetz study?

Put the idea to work

Worked example

A school says its positive-psychology programme prevents depression because group questionnaire scores improved. Evaluate the claim using Shoshani and Steinmetz (2014).

Show the worked solution
  1. Name the programme duration, student sample and school comparison.
  2. Report the group pattern and identify that outcomes came from questionnaires.
  3. Distinguish changes in group scores from diagnoses, individual change and proof of a universal causal effect.

Answer Shoshani and Steinmetz reported improved group questionnaire outcomes after a one-year programme with grades 7–9 students at one Israeli middle school compared with a similar control school. The longitudinal comparison is useful, but school-level differences and self-report measures limit causal certainty and generalisation. Group symptom scores are not individual diagnoses, and the study does not show that a school programme prevents depression in every setting.

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From guided practice to a new situation

Write your answer and reasoning first. Use a hint only if you are stuck. The model solution is for self-checking; your written work is not automatically marked.

1 · Guided

A learner says, ‘I am less likely than other people to get a negative health outcome, so I can ignore the advice.’ Explain how unrealistic optimism may apply and what Weinstein’s study cannot establish.

Give me a hint

Define the comparative judgement, then separate a broad expectation from a specific health decision.

Compare my reasoning
  1. Unrealistic optimism is a judgement that a negative event is less likely to happen to oneself than to a similar other.
  2. Weinstein found this average pattern for negative future events in a college-student sample.
  3. The study did not test whether participants ignored health advice or later experienced a health outcome.
  4. The individual claim should be evaluated using relevant evidence about that specific risk and behaviour.

The learner’s comparison may resemble unrealistic optimism, but a broad comparative belief does not establish the person’s actual risk or prove why they made a particular choice. Weinstein measured estimates about future events in students, not disregard of a specific recommendation or later illness.

Look for these in your work

  • Concept defined accurately
  • Study measure stated
  • Specific behaviour and outcome kept separate
2 · Independent

Compare Seligman’s three focuses with one possible school application. Explain why the framework does not imply that students should always feel positive.

Give me a hint

Name the Pleasant, Good and Meaningful Lives and connect each to a different aspect of wellbeing.

Compare my reasoning
  1. The Pleasant Life concerns positive emotions; the Good Life concerns strengths and engagement; the Meaningful Life concerns purpose and contribution.
  2. A school could offer varied activities that let students experience positive emotion, practise strengths and contribute to a shared purpose.
  3. Students’ values and cultural contexts differ, so the framework should not prescribe one definition of a good life.
  4. Positive psychology considers wellbeing; it does not require denying distress or withdrawing appropriate support.

The framework distinguishes positive emotion, engagement through strengths and contribution or meaning. A school may offer opportunities across these areas while letting students define what matters to them. Positive psychology is not forced cheerfulness and should not replace recognition of distress or access to support.

Look for these in your work

  • Three focuses distinguished
  • School application is relevant
  • Cultural and distress caveats included
3 · Transfer

Plan a follow-up to the Shoshani and Steinmetz programme in two new schools. Include a comparison, a psychometric check, one qualitative source and a generalisation limit.

Give me a hint

Keep school-level comparison clear and use more than one type of evidence.

Compare my reasoning
  1. Recruit several schools to an intervention and comparison condition, recording baseline characteristics and how the programme is delivered.
  2. Check that distress and wellbeing questionnaires are reliable and valid for the students’ language and age group.
  3. Add voluntary student interviews or group discussions to understand what participants found useful or unsuitable.
  4. Follow up over time, protect student privacy and note that school culture or site differences may still affect results.

A follow-up could compare several intervention and usual-practice schools, check psychometric measures with the target group, add voluntary student interviews and repeat assessment over time. Researchers should protect privacy and include appropriate support routes. Even across several sites, results may not generalise to different cultures, ages or school systems.

Look for these in your work

  • Comparison and baseline addressed
  • Psychometric quality checked
  • Qualitative evidence and limits included

Common mistakes

  • Assuming every person underestimates health risk for the same reason
  • Treating Weinstein’s comparative event estimates as observed health behaviour or later illness
  • Reducing positive psychology to forced positivity or one universal definition of happiness
  • Describing Seligman (2004) as an intervention trial rather than a conceptual article
  • Treating a group questionnaire change as a diagnosis or as evidence that every student benefited
Recall without your notes

What can you explain now?

What did Weinstein (1980) measure, and what did the study not establish?

Compare with the explanation

It measured college students’ comparative estimates of their chances of 42 future events. It did not establish that participants ignored specific health advice or later experienced those events.

Separate a belief measure from actual choices and outcomes.

After trying it yourself, choose your next review. This is your self-assessment.

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Make it stick

Explain unrealistic optimism, distinguish Seligman’s three focuses and evaluate one finding from Shoshani and Steinmetz without turning a group score into an individual diagnosis.

If you needed the solution, close it and solve the problem again from a blank page. A correct answer is stronger when you can explain the reason for each step.

Keep learning Psychology

Course scope and assessment

Seven original lessons map all 15 AS research-method and methodological-concept sections to explained Guided, Independent and Transfer practice. All 12 compulsory AS core studies have original study-specific teaching and staged practice; five additional A Level methodology lessons cover research design and validity. All 15 Clinical, all 15 Consumer (2.1.1–2.5.3) and all 15 Health (3.1.1–3.5.3) Psychology sections link to original teaching and staged practice. All 15 Organisational Psychology sections 4.1–4.5 now have original teaching and explained staged practice; the six new 4.4–4.5 lessons bring the planning map to 92 of 92 indexed sections. Consumer lessons cover physical and psychological environments; decision models, heuristics and mistakes; packaging, selling and buying; advertising, self-monitoring, product placement, brand recognition and slogans. Evaluation boundaries are explicit: studies use particular products, samples, tasks and settings; gaze, recall, self-report, EEG indices, ratings, choices and purchases are different outcomes. Health evidence is bounded: Laba et al. measured hypothetical preferences; Riekert and Drotar raise a non-response concern; Chung and Naya's cap tracked openings, not swallowing; Chaney et al. was a short caregiver-reported pilot; Yokley and Glenwick examined immunisation attendance in one public-health setting. MacLachlan et al. report one patient, not a controlled treatment effect; Brudvik et al. compared separate child, parent and physician ratings in one emergency department. Chandola et al. found a cohort association; Wang et al. measured responses during a monitored arithmetic task; Evans and Wener observed commuters; Bridge et al. found mixed self-rated outcomes in radiotherapy. Janis and Feshbach measured short-term self-reports in one school; Lewin et al. tested a rehabilitation package, not information alone. Tapper et al. and Fox et al. studied bounded school and worksite programmes; incentive effects do not establish transfer or rule out reporting effects. Weinstein measured comparative expectations, while Seligman’s framework is conceptual and Shoshani and Steinmetz used a school-level comparison. These findings do not establish universal health effects or diagnose individuals. Need-theory examples use a child measurement study, not a workplace test; SMART is a practical checklist, not a motivational theory. Landry et al. compared reward framing with student volunteers in a lab; this does not establish universal effects in workplaces. Cuadrado et al. (2008) measured undergraduate evaluations of presented leaders, not workplace performance or hiring; this does not establish a universal gender effect. The historical 1995 Munchausen criteria are not a current diagnostic checklist. Cambridge’s 2028–2030 Reference List treats Oruč et al. (1997) as an example of genetic explanation although its participants had bipolar I; gambling disorder is listed in Cambridge’s Clinical topic but classified under addictive behaviours in ICD-11. Candidates choose two options, but all four remain listed so schools can select a route. The 92-section count is a planning index, not a Cambridge score. Remaining work is deeper coverage review, separate-year syllabus reconciliation, timed-paper practice and human subject-expert review. The separate 2027 and 2024–2026 syllabuses are not reconciled into this route. Practice is not official grading, a timed-paper simulation or human subject-expert review.

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