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A Level · Cambridge (CIE) · 9990

Piliavin et al. · subway Samaritans

Examine helping in a real subway setting while separating victim condition, spontaneous assistance and the model’s later intervention. The findings complicate simple bystander-apathy claims but remain tied to one route, period and staged emergency.

Cambridge International AS & A Level Psychology 9990 · 2028–2030 · Version 1 · CORE-12
Exam scope and assessment notes

Original StudyForA teaching mapped to the Cambridge 2028–2030 syllabus. These lessons are independent study support, not Cambridge material, official mark schemes or awarded grades. No lesson reproduces a research article or Cambridge question. Human subject-expert review and full timed-paper grading remain pending. This lesson synthesises the named study from its original article and Cambridge's study outline; it is an original summary, not a reproduction of the paper.

Before you begin

  • This is one of the 12 compulsory AS core studies in the 2028–2030 Version 1 syllabus. Check that your exam entry uses this syllabus year.

Work on paper. Try each question before revealing help, and explain why your method works.

Quick readiness check

How many spontaneous-help trials were recorded for the drunk-appearing victim?

What you will learn

  • Explain the study aim, sample, procedure and findings
  • Evaluate the method, ethics and evidence
  • Apply the relevant approach and issues/debates without overclaiming

Approach and research focus

Social approach. The field study investigates how ordinary passengers respond when a stranger collapses, and whether the victim’s apparent condition, race, other bystanders and a helping model relate to assistance.

Background: Earlier laboratory studies suggested that helping can fall as the number of bystanders increases. Piliavin and colleagues observed a staged emergency in a crowded, face-to-face public setting to examine helping under natural travel conditions and the possible role of diffusion of responsibility.

Aim and procedure

About 4,450 passengers were present across 103 trials on New York’s Eighth Avenue subway between 59th and 125th Streets, on weekdays from late morning to mid-afternoon in 1968. Four student confederates worked as a male victim, a male model ready to help, and two female observers. The victim collapsed about 70 seconds into the express journey. In 65 trials he appeared ill and carried a cane; in 38 he smelled of alcohol and carried a bottle in a bag. The model’s presence and position/timing varied. Observers recorded whether and when passengers helped, passenger numbers, helper characteristics, movement and spontaneous comments. Riders were unaware that a trial was taking place.

Results and conclusion

Before the model intervened, the cane victim received spontaneous help in 62 of 65 trials; the drunk-appearing victim received it in 19 of 38. Median spontaneous-help latency was 5 seconds for the cane condition and 109 seconds for the drunk condition when non-respondents were assigned 400 seconds. Across 81 trials with a spontaneous first helper, 60% involved more than one helper and 90% of first helpers were men. The study did not find the simple prediction that larger groups consistently delayed help; the authors noted limits in interpreting crowd-size patterns.

Passengers often helped, especially when the victim appeared ill rather than drunk, so the study challenged a blanket claim that bystanders usually remain passive. The results did not establish that crowd size never matters: the subway was a constrained setting, help was often immediate and the study’s measures and conditions limit the diffusion test.

Evaluate the evidence

A field experiment recorded behaviour in a real public setting with many unsolicited passengers, giving the response ecological relevance and reducing awareness of observation.

The 103 trials were concentrated on one New York route, weekday daytime hours and a single era; the passengers are not 4,450 independent trials, and the setting limits generalisation.

Victim condition was not perfectly balanced across teams and victim race; the authors reported one black victim and uneven condition counts. Confederates and observers may also differ in how consistently they staged and coded events.

A visible collapse, helper presence and crowd size are difficult to isolate in a natural train. The model eventually intervened, so outcomes after the preset point are not spontaneous passenger helping.

Ethics and issues/debates

Passengers were unsuspecting and could not give prior informed consent; the staged collapse could cause concern or distress, and observers recorded behaviour in a public place without individual permission.

The model provided assistance if passengers did not help by the planned point, limiting the duration of the apparent emergency. The article describes the ethical tension between observing natural behaviour and protecting uninformed bystanders.

The field result applies to this particular crowded, face-to-face and time-limited situation; it does not refute every form of diffusion of responsibility.

The apparent illness of the victim affected both the frequency and speed of help; situational interpretation and perceived responsibility may influence action.

The findings can inform everyday discussion of helping, but should not be used to promise what an individual will do in a different emergency.

Sources for this lesson

Pause and explain

Why is ‘the study disproved diffusion of responsibility’ too broad?

Put the idea to work

Worked example

A student says, ‘Piliavin proved that diffusion of responsibility does not exist because people helped on the subway.’ Improve the claim.

Show the worked solution
  1. The cane victim received spontaneous help in 62 of 65 trials and the drunk-appearing victim in 19 of 38.
  2. The setting involved passengers together in a confined train, with observers and a later helping model.
  3. The study challenges a universal bystander-apathy claim but does not show that group size can never reduce help in other contexts.

Answer The study found frequent helping in this subway situation and did not support a simple diffusion prediction there. It cannot establish that diffusion of responsibility never occurs in other settings.

Try a topic test

Choose Easy, Normal or Difficult. Save your answers and open worked review after finishing.

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From guided practice to a new situation

Write your answer and reasoning first. Use a hint only if you are stuck. The model solution is for self-checking; your written work is not automatically marked.

1 · Guided

Compare spontaneous help for the cane and drunk-appearing victims using the trial counts.

Give me a hint

Report each numerator and denominator, then describe the difference without inventing a cause.

Compare my reasoning
  1. The cane victim received help before the model on 62 of 65 trials.
  2. The drunk-appearing victim received spontaneous help on 19 of 38 trials.
  3. Spontaneous help was more frequent in the cane condition; the study also recorded different response times.

Spontaneous help was much more common for the cane victim (62/65) than the drunk-appearing victim (19/38), in this subway sample.

Look for these in your work

  • Both conditions compared
  • Numerator and denominator retained
  • Sample scope stated
2 · Independent

Evaluate whether the study provides a fair test of diffusion of responsibility.

Give me a hint

Consider the field setting, the unit of analysis, and the model’s role.

Compare my reasoning
  1. Passengers saw a real public event with other bystanders present, which supports ecological relevance.
  2. The 103 trials, rather than each passenger counted across them, are the key staged events; crowd size and composition varied naturally.
  3. The model and victim conditions introduce several factors, so crowd size was not isolated as cleanly as in a controlled experiment; the model’s later intervention is not spontaneous help.

The field setting captures natural helping, but variable crowds and the planned model make a clean causal test of diffusion difficult.

Look for these in your work

  • Ecological strength explained
  • Trial-level unit distinguished
  • Confounds and model evaluated
3 · Transfer

Design a safer follow-up that examines bystander helping without staging a false emergency for unsuspecting passengers.

Give me a hint

Use informed participants and a harmless, clearly bounded helping opportunity.

Compare my reasoning
  1. Recruit consenting adults to a simulated public-space task with a harmless dropped-item or clearly fictional scenario.
  2. Vary whether participants believe another person is also available to help, while keeping the need and timing constant.
  3. Measure whether and how quickly they offer help, debrief them, protect privacy and avoid implying that results predict real emergencies.

A consent-based simulation can isolate the presence of another potential helper while avoiding an undisclosed emergency and limiting claims to the simulated task.

Look for these in your work

  • Helping opportunity is harmless
  • Group-presence condition operationalised
  • Consent, debrief and inference limits included

Common mistakes

  • Calling all help spontaneous when the model helped after the planned delay
  • Treating 4,450 passengers as 4,450 independent trials
  • Saying diffusion of responsibility was disproved in every situation
  • Ignoring the different helping rates for the cane and drunk conditions
Recall without your notes

What can you explain now?

What do 62/65 and 19/38 count?

Compare with the explanation

Trials with spontaneous help before the model acted in the cane and drunk conditions

They are trial-level counts, not the total number of passengers who helped.

After trying it yourself, choose your next review. This is your self-assessment.

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Make it stick

Name the aim, the best-evidenced result and one methodological limitation of Piliavin et al..

If you needed the solution, close it and solve the problem again from a blank page. A correct answer is stronger when you can explain the reason for each step.

Keep learning Psychology

Course scope and assessment

Seven original lessons map all 15 AS research-method and methodological-concept sections to explained Guided, Independent and Transfer practice. All 12 compulsory AS core studies have original study-specific teaching and staged practice; five additional A Level methodology lessons cover research design and validity. All 15 Clinical, all 15 Consumer (2.1.1–2.5.3) and all 15 Health (3.1.1–3.5.3) Psychology sections link to original teaching and staged practice. All 15 Organisational Psychology sections 4.1–4.5 now have original teaching and explained staged practice; the six new 4.4–4.5 lessons bring the planning map to 92 of 92 indexed sections. Consumer lessons cover physical and psychological environments; decision models, heuristics and mistakes; packaging, selling and buying; advertising, self-monitoring, product placement, brand recognition and slogans. Evaluation boundaries are explicit: studies use particular products, samples, tasks and settings; gaze, recall, self-report, EEG indices, ratings, choices and purchases are different outcomes. Health evidence is bounded: Laba et al. measured hypothetical preferences; Riekert and Drotar raise a non-response concern; Chung and Naya's cap tracked openings, not swallowing; Chaney et al. was a short caregiver-reported pilot; Yokley and Glenwick examined immunisation attendance in one public-health setting. MacLachlan et al. report one patient, not a controlled treatment effect; Brudvik et al. compared separate child, parent and physician ratings in one emergency department. Chandola et al. found a cohort association; Wang et al. measured responses during a monitored arithmetic task; Evans and Wener observed commuters; Bridge et al. found mixed self-rated outcomes in radiotherapy. Janis and Feshbach measured short-term self-reports in one school; Lewin et al. tested a rehabilitation package, not information alone. Tapper et al. and Fox et al. studied bounded school and worksite programmes; incentive effects do not establish transfer or rule out reporting effects. Weinstein measured comparative expectations, while Seligman’s framework is conceptual and Shoshani and Steinmetz used a school-level comparison. These findings do not establish universal health effects or diagnose individuals. Need-theory examples use a child measurement study, not a workplace test; SMART is a practical checklist, not a motivational theory. Landry et al. compared reward framing with student volunteers in a lab; this does not establish universal effects in workplaces. Cuadrado et al. (2008) measured undergraduate evaluations of presented leaders, not workplace performance or hiring; this does not establish a universal gender effect. The historical 1995 Munchausen criteria are not a current diagnostic checklist. Cambridge’s 2028–2030 Reference List treats Oruč et al. (1997) as an example of genetic explanation although its participants had bipolar I; gambling disorder is listed in Cambridge’s Clinical topic but classified under addictive behaviours in ICD-11. Candidates choose two options, but all four remain listed so schools can select a route. The 92-section count is a planning index, not a Cambridge score. Remaining work is deeper coverage review, separate-year syllabus reconciliation, timed-paper practice and human subject-expert review. The separate 2027 and 2024–2026 syllabuses are not reconciled into this route. Practice is not official grading, a timed-paper simulation or human subject-expert review.

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